This review has been accessed times since September 6, 2006
Epstein, Kitty Kelly . (2006). A Different View of Urban
Schools: Civil Rights, Critical Race Theory, and Unexplored
Realities. New York: Peter Lang.
Pp. x + 144
$ 29.95 ISBN 0-8204-7879-2
Reviewed by Jamel K. Donnor
Washington University in St. Louis
September 6, 2006
How does a community solve its problems? This is a topic Kitty
Kelly Epstein’s A Different View of Urban Schools: Civil
Rights, Critical Race Theory, and Unexplored Realities
examines in its analysis of Oakland, California’s
multi-racial and multiethnic communities’ attempt to
provide the city’s students of color equitable access to a
quality education.
The book begins with an exposition of the
author’s varying experiences that serve as the impetus for
the mixed-method qualitative study (i.e., interviews, policy
analysis, and historiography). In addition to being an
“active parent” and former teacher in the Oakland
public school system the author participated in local civic
matters including teacher union and school board meetings, and
other “community gatherings” (p. 2). It is because of
this assortment of experiences that Epstein (2006) sets out to
dispel the popular (mis)perception that urban schools after the
1960s became, “chaotic, violent, corrupt, and
dysfunctional” (p. 2). The author posits that this widely
held misconception is problematic because it ignores the
“politics” and/or the political economy of urban
schools by “focusing [solely] on the classroom” (p.
2). Moreover, deficit conceptions of schools with a majority
non-white student population are frequently undergirded by race.
In short, the text brings to the reader’s attention the
significance of the racial, sociopolitical, and civic ecology
urban schools operate within.
In situating her rethinking of urban schools theoretically,
the author draws from three distinct yet complementary
frameworks: (1) critical race theory (CRT), (2) Marxism, and (3)
Paulo Freire’s (1970) notion that schools are a “site
of struggle” (p. 5).
Kitty Kelly Epstein
|
An analytical tool of legal studies,
critical race theory uses history to examine and articulate the
current ways people of color disproportionately experience
structural social inequity. For the author, CRT assists in
attending to the proverbial question, “why is there an
‘achievement gap’ between Black and white
students” in Oakland (p .6)? Similarly, she utilizes
Marxism’s reliance on historical context and dialectical
thinking to highlight the contradictions and limitations of
educational reform policies. For instance, according to Kelly,
former Oakland mayor Jerry Brown’s call for removing local
school board control proves to be inauspicious considering that
it coincides with the increase in African American control of the
board. Furthermore, proposals to remove local control were
“never made during the eighty years when the district was
led entirely by white school boards and superintendents”
(p. 14). Lastly, Freire’s (1970) notion that schools are a
contested site is used to illustrate parent, teacher, and
community leader’s “hope” in their struggle to
create “good public schools” (Freire,
1994).
The author illustrates (albeit briefly) that successful
systemic school reform depends on local support. More
specifically, sustainable change requires a cross-section of
stakeholders including local and state government officials,
citizens, and non-profit organizations. During the 1960s, for
instance, a (broad) coalition of Oakland stakeholders, including
the Black Caucus, the League of Women Voters, the Filipino
Coalition, and the Jewish Community Relations Council were
engaged in a Civil Rights Movement to abolish school segregation.
In addition to increasing the racial diversity of the teaching
corps, members from the aforementioned organizations employed
non-traditional strategies such as sit-ins, picketing, and other
forms of protest to increase community awareness and involvement
in policy planning. For example, while it is commonplace for
urban school districts to be led by an African American in the
current social context, Epstein points out that prior to 1969
this was not the case in Oakland (p. 30). In fact, with a student
population over 50 percent African American, Oakland’s
black community “had had no voice in choosing the
superintendent for one hundred years” (Epstein, 2006, p.
31). Hence, the Oakland school board’s decision to select
Dr. Marcus Foster as superintendent during this period represents
more than symbolic value when one considers the community’s
actions and commitment to create change.
Further, and contrary to popular belief, state-led reform
efforts such as school takeovers require community support.
During the State of California’s first attempt to takeover
the Oakland schools in 1988, it was defeated by a partnership
that included parents, teachers, and school board members. In
addition to engaging in conventional individual democratic
instruments such as attending school board meetings, various
members in the Oakland community sought to resolve this
“community issue” through the “Ad Hoc Committee
of Teachers and Parents” (p. 45). Along with the “No
trustee” and “Use the state’s 2.5 billion
budget surplus to finance school” rallies respectively,
this committee of Oakland citizens held meetings and conducted
press interviews offering a reformulation of (then current)
school finance methods to “balance” the
district’s budget (p. 45).
For individuals familiar with CRT, A Different View of
Urban Schools offers a glimpse at the theory’s broader
goal of working towards ending oppression, and the “triumph
in challenge” in action (Matsuda et al, 1993; Bell, 1995).
This was best illustrated by the work of Sylvester Hodge, the
former chairperson of the Oakland school district’s Budget
and Finance Committee. Among his many accomplishments in this
capacity, was achieving Standard & Poor’s
“highest bond rating” and accumulating a
“substantial” financial reserve for the district (p.
47). In chronicling Oakland’s multiracial and multiethnic
communities’ response to state (and federal) led education
reform, one is better able to understand the conditions necessary
to act in a “concerted” manner to create sustainable
change (Stone, 2005). Moreover, the author’s use of CRT as
a “problem-centered” or issue-defining mechanism,
rather than as a qualitative approach illustrates that urban
education reform, as a civic matter, “requires not only
that it be seen as a source of difficulties,” but that
solutions are “something amenable” through
“political action” (Dixson & Rousseau, 2005, p.
22; Stone et al, 2001, p. 26).
For a newcomer to critical race theory in education, however,
this text does not provide the necessary attention nor exercise
due diligence in articulating the theory’s germination.
Consider that the author begins her description of CRT with
Ladson-Billings and Tate’s (1995) article Toward a
Critical Race Theory of Education. While Ladson-Billings and
Tate (1995) are credited with introducing the education field to
CRT, I argue that all articulations of this framework must
begin with the contributions of legal scholar Derrick Bell
(Dixson & Rousseau, 2005; Donnor, 2005). Moreover,
Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) caution scholars in education to
make certain that they attend to the legal literature as it
pertains to CRT.
Derrick Bell’s intellectual and social significance to
critical race theory stems from establishing a “scholarly
agenda that placed race at the center of intellectual
inquiry” in constitutional theory (Crenshaw, 2002, Derrick
Bell: From “Race, Racism, and American Law” to the
“Alternative Course,” ¶ 3). Using a social
constructionist perspective of race, Derrick Bell introduced a
new line of critical thought to explain the continuance of racism
and social injustice within the law and legal doctrine (Donnor,
forthcoming). Through his “permanence of racism” and
“interest-convergence” theses respectively, Bell
explained how society’s dominant class maintain its
position through an elaborate process of marginalization using
the law, public policy, and society’s governing
institutions to: (1) produce, manage, and distribute social
resources, and (2) exclude (and oppress) historically and
contemporary marginalized groups. Further, Bell’s critical
race scholarship used unconventional non-analytic methods such as
narrative, storytelling, and racial allegory to articulate how
judicial and Civil Rights strategies designed to promote equality
simultaneously worked to preserve America’s social
hierarchy.
A corollary and additional shortcoming of the text, is the
absence of the legal literature and legal analysis. In this
instance, omission of the interplay among the law, public policy
and education in light of the geo-political landscape of Oakland
is disconcerting. For instance, with the passage of the Standing
Orders of the Regents of the University of California-SP-1 and
SP-2 (1995), and Proposition 209 (1996) now more than a decade
old, questions such as: how have communities with a rich
tradition of “civic capacity” such as Oakland,
responded to these issues are worthy of in-depth inquiry (Stone,
2005). More specifically, what are the human capital development
strategies in progress at the P-12 level in this community, now
that race is “no longer a factor” in admissions to
public institutions of higher education in the state of
California? From a CRT perspective, in what ways has race been
re-coded or re-activated to serve as a barrier to opportunity and
access to public institutions that purport to embrace a
color-blind admissions policy? Moreover, in light of the
“majority-minority” demography of the Bay Area and
Southern California, to what extent do California’s public
institutions reflect its population? Or, have these institutions
experienced a “white washing” that in essence
reflects a retrenchment rather than an opportunity for real
advancement in racial equality? Indeed, for a metropolitan region
such as Oakland with a unique history regarding demographic
patterns, race relations, and economic development, learning how
groups come together to embrace a particular course of action is
important. As A Different View of Urban Schools: Civil Rights,
Critical Race Theory, and Unexplored Realities illustrates
the essence of a community is struggle. Furthermore, a
community’s capacity to act is not coincidental, rather it
is an intentional process that is influenced, shaped, reinforced
and undermined by the historical, political, and social landscape
(Stone, 1998).
The next step, according to some critical race scholars in
education, is working toward social change (DeCuir & Dixson,
2004; Dixson & Rousseau, 2005). An activist approach, I
suggest, is a thorough and on-going analysis on the
interrelationship among neighborhoods, schools, and economic
development policies. As urban and metropolitan regions across
the US engage in efforts to reshape their infrastructure to
accommodate or sustain their capacity in the emerging
biotechnology economy, area schools will increasingly be expected
to provide the necessary human resources to contribute to the
region’s vitality. A starting point for education scholars
using CRT is to explore the convergence and divergence of
interests between local economic development and education reform
policies, such as standardized testing, in communities that have
historically (and currently) under-served its constituents. Such
an approach has the potential for developing strategies that
ensure equitable learning opportunities exist for all
students.
Note
I would like to thank Garrett Albert Duncan and Adrienne
Dixson for their thoughtful comments and suggestions for this
review. I would also like to thank Dr. Carol Camp Yeakey for
recommending I take on this project.
References
Bell, D. (1995). The triumph in challenge. Maryland Law
Review, 54, 1691-1699.
Crenshaw, K. W. (2002). Critical race studies: The first
decade: Critical reflections, or "a
foot in the closing door". UCLA Law Review, 49(1343).
1-20. Retrieved September 27, 2002, from LexisNexis database.
DeCuir, J. T., & Dixson, A. D. (2004). “So when it
comes out, they aren’t that surprised that it is
there”: Using critical race theory as a tool of analysis
of race and racism in education. Educational Researcher,
33(5), 26-31.
Dixson, A. D., & Rousseau, C. K. (2005). And we are still
not saved: critical race theory in
education ten years later. Race Ethnicity and
Education, 8(1): 7-27.
Donnor, J. K. (2005). Towards an interest-convergence in the
education of African American
football student-athletes in major college sports. Race
Ethnicity and Education, 8(1): 45-67
Donnor, J. K. (forthcoming). Derrick Bell. In G. Anderson
(Ed.), Encyclopedia of activisim and
social justice. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE
Publications.
Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York:
Herder and Herder.
Freire, P. (1994). Pedagogy of hope. New York:
Continuum.
Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate IV, W. F. (1995). "Toward a
critical race theory of
education." Teachers College Record, 97(1): 47-68.
Matsuda, M., Lawrence III, C. R., Delgado, R., & Crenshaw,
K. W. (1993). Introduction.
In M. Matsuda, Lawrence III, C. R., Delgado, R., &
Crenshaw, K. W. (Ed.), Words that wound: Critical race theory,
assaultive speech, and the first amendment. (pp. 1-17).
Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Stone, C. N. (1998). Linking civic capacity and human capital
formation. In M. J. Gittell (Ed.),
Strategies for school equity: Creating productive schools
in a just society (pp.163-176). New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press.
Stone, C. N. (2005). Civic capacity: What, why, and from
whence. In S. Fuhrman, & M.
Lazerson (Eds.), The institutions of American democracy:
The public schools (pp. 209-234). Oxford; New York: Oxford
University Press.
Stone, C. N. (2001). If civic culture is the answer, what is
the question? Economic Development
Quarterly, 15(4), 313-316.
Stone, C. N., Henig, J. R., Jones, B. D., & Pierannunzi,
C. (2001). Building civic capacity: The
politics of reforming urban schools. Lawrence, KS:
University Press of Kansas.
About the Reviewer
Jamel K. Donnor is a post-doctoral fellow in the Department of
Education at Washington University in St. Louis. His research
interests include Technology and Education Policy, African
Americans and Education; and Education, Race, and Legal
Analysis.
Copyright is retained by the first or sole author,
who grants right of first publication to the Education Review.
Editors: Gene V Glass, Kate Corby, Gustavo Fischman
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