This review has been accessed
times since August 7, 2009
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Ball, Stephen J. (2008). The Education Debate: Policy
and Politics in the Twenty-First Century. Bristol, UK: Policy
Press
Pp. 256 ISBN 978-1-86134-920-0
|
Reviewed by Rucheeta Kulkarni
Arizona State University
August 7, 2009
For Americans concerned about the increasing privatization of
US public education, Stephen Ball’s recent book provides
both a comforting and disturbing reminder: It’s not just
us. The Education Debate is partly a primer on modern
English education policy and partly a critical analysis of trends
in global education policy. Ball helps English readers understand
the overarching themes behind the deluge of education policy
introduced by Tony Blair’s New Labour party, and along the
way, provides readers outside of England with a set of analytical
tools to understand how their own education policies might be
shaped by powerful discourses of globalization, knowledge-based
economies, and free-markets.
Ball’s introductory chapter is titled “education
education education policy,” after Blair’s 1996
pre-election speech declaring that his top three priorities as
prime minister would be “education, education, and
education.” The speech brought education policy under
intense scrutiny from England’s government and media, and
signaled the start of a seemingly endless stream of
reform-oriented initiatives. Ball argues that the “policy
overload” (p. 2) is partly a tactical effort on the part of
politicians hoping to demonstrate that they are doing something,
but that it also stems from a influential discourse of the
“‘pressures and requirements of globalization”
(p. 1). Using the methods of policy sociology, Ball looks to
analyze this and other discourses linking education and the
economy. He identifies two themes as central to the book: the
relationship of education policy to the needs of the state and
the economy, and the relationship between education policy and
social class.
Chapter One introduces the reader to key concepts that are
referred to and used later in the book, namely, education policy,
economic necessity, and public service reform. Each of these
concepts is linked in the recent emphasis on education as a
servant of the economy. Ball writes,
Within policy, education is not regarded primarily from an
economic point of view. The social and economic purposes of
education have been collapsed into a single, overriding emphasis
on policy making for economic competitiveness and an increasing
neglect or sidelining (other than rhetoric) of the social
purposes of education. (pp. 11-12)
Popular modern discourses, he explains, construct the need for
reform by invoking terms like globalization, international
economic competition, and the needs of the knowledge economy, and
then require certain types of policy response. These discourses
not only prioritize the economic role of education, but
“privilege particular social goals and human
qualities” (p. 13). Alongside the discursive power of
policy, Ball highlights the material ways policy works through
“technologies” such as choice, competition, and
performance management. After explaining and analyzing these
terms, Ball shows how they are deployed by the main multilateral
forces in global education policy: the World Bank, World Trade
Organization (WTO), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD), and the European Union. His explanation
details how each of these organizations wields its power,
especially over poor countries, to promote deregulation and
freedom for transnational markets.

Stephen J. Ball
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In the second chapter, Ball offers a history of English
education policy. He organizes his analysis into four periods,
across which he traces both changes and continuities. Looking
through the lens of social class, it is clear that historical and
contemporary education policies are not as different as they
might seem to the casual observer. Ball describes early
education policy (1870-1944) as a “response to the need to
manage the new urban working classes and to accommodate the
social and political aspirations of the new middle classes”
(p. 56). The classed approach to education policy yielded three
tiers of public schools, motivated by a fear of the working class
and an attempt to create a “useful and docile
workforce” (p. 63). The next policy period (1944-1976) saw
a preservation of the divisions within the public education
system, although their justification shifted from income to
intelligence. Comprehensive schools were created toward the end
of this period, but even while vast differences remained in
students’ access to quality schools, critics of
comprehensive education continued to battle against their
existence. In the third policy period (1976-1997), the New Right
worked to dismantle the welfare state and emphasize individual
choice in a free market. The final period (1997-2007) was defined
by Blair’s New Labour party and their creation of a
“competition state” that largely emulated business
practices. Ball’s analysis shows how the different terms
and strategies used over the course of 150 years of English
education policy stem from a persistent social agenda based on
“the aspirations and fears of the middle classes” (p.
96). He also reveals the lasting efforts of policy-makers to
deracialize policy and to address issues of race, class, or
gender-based inequities only when they reach crisis levels.
Chapter Three explores some specifics of New Labour education
policy by analyzing one particular document, The UK
government’s approach to public service reform,
published by the Cabinet Office in 2006. Here, again, Ball traces
the historical roots of New Labour education policy and explores
the continuities with and differences from Conservative policy.
He focuses on four aspects of the approach summarized in the
Cabinet Office document: top-down performance management, market
incentives to increase efficiency and quality of service, users
shaping the service from below, and capability and capacity (p.
103). His analysis of each element as applied to education
emphasizes the resulting changes in relationships and roles, most
notably in the case of parents and students as consumers. Ball
reveals the unintended outcomes of these approaches, including
the lack of choice afforded some students under school-choice
policies. Overall, Ball finds that this document is one indicator
of a global policy shift in which “social and educational
policies are collapsed into economic and industrial policy”
(p. 149). He raises concerns about the results: a lack of trust
in teachers, the rule of achievement indicators that may not
represent meaningful educational accomplishments, and the
marginalization of social justice issues in an approach that
aspires to be so pragmatic that it is beyond class and race
politics.
Ball takes up this final concern as the subject of his fourth
chapter. Here, he looks at the links between race, class, gender
and educational participation (including issues of truancy and
enrollment in higher education), as well as at policy’s
relationship to minority populations. Equity is rarely a chief
goal of education policy, writes Ball; most often, equity is
addressed only when tied to economic goals. New Labour’s
logic is that good policy will raise all students’
achievement. Ball argues that by focusing on standards and
“failing schools,” typically in inner-city areas,
this approach tends to construct and address students’ lack
of academic achievement as “a social problem of community
and family inadequacies rather than an economic problem of
structural inequality” (p. 153). He finds that even as New
Labour policies avoid direct discussion of race, they blame
families and cultures for academic failure. He traces policy
discourses around parenting, meritocracy, and new models of
schools—including academies, trust schools, and
privatization—which aim to intervene via a deracialized
model of entrepreneurship and competition. Ball concludes,
“Equity is no longer a value in its own right within
policy” (p. 191).
The final chapter is titled “A sociology of education
policy” and takes up three tasks: looking at the
“dissolutions and conservations” within current
education policy, thinking about how education and education
policy are being reconfigured in space and time, and discussing
ongoing trends. He reinforces the argument he has made throughout
the book that despite the state’s shift away from welfare
policy much remains the same: the significance of social
differentiations, the dual focus on policy for upper and lower
classes, and the regard for individualism and meritocracy. Ball
discusses the ways that students’ and schools’ roles
have changed in an age of virtual schooling and a
“borderless economy of education” (p. 201), and
points out the contradictions that emerge from policies which
render state power both more disperse and more extensive. As he
foresees the continuation of trends like the disarticulation of
the English educational system, he imagines contemporary
education policy “fac[ing] two ways: towards an imaginary
past of a British heritage…, within which social boundaries
are reinforced, and towards an imaginary future of a knowledge
economy…within which social boundaries are erased”
(p. 205). American readers can easily see their own system
stretched between the same two poles.
Although this book will be most interesting to readers who are
familiar with English politics and policy, others will find
themselves surprised at the striking similarities between the
policies Ball describes and the policies they are seeing in their
own contexts. Ball accomplishes his dual goals of presenting an
analytical description of modern English education policy and
developing a set of tools that can help readers analyze their own
unique policy contexts. While the book is written for an academic
audience, it may provide a useful resource to teachers and school
leaders who are struggling to understand why public education and
their roles within it are changing so much. Readers who share
Ball’s concerns about an increasingly privatized public
sphere will find that the book provides valuable analytical tools
and explanations. This is not an impassioned argument for or
against any one way of doing education, however; although Ball
writes as a critical reader of modern social policy trends, his
critique is systematic and never simplistic.